Introduction: Precarious work is one of the most studied concepts related to work, and its effects have been analyzed in relation to variables such as mental health and wellbeing. However, there is a tendency to atomise the analysis of precarious work, without understanding that people’s working life is intertwined with other areas of their life.
Objective: Faced with this situation, this paper presents the concept of perceived precarious life, which is aligned with contemporary models of social inclusion and exclusion. Thus, perceived precarious life comprises variables of labor precariousness, social support and hopelessness in the family economic situation.
Methods: To test this idea, a structural equation model (SEM) is presented, which tests the structure of the construct of perceived precarious life by relating it to mental health and coping strategies.
Results: After testing the fit of the model in both men and women, a SEM path analysis is designed between the variables, observing that perceived precarious life has an effect on mental health (β = 0.635, p < 0.01). This relationship is mediated by unproductive coping strategies (β = 0.142, p < 0.01).
Conclusion: This model exposes a broad and integrated conceptualization of precariousness, combining aspects of work, relationships and hopelessness, which allows for an understanding of the integral experience of precariousness.
1 Introduction
The perspective of symbolic interactionism allows for a conception of the subject in which the spheres of a person’s life are interconnected with one another (1). Not in a sequence of causes and effects, but in an interrelated understanding. In this way, the theoretical model of social inclusion and social exclusion of Subirats (2) is a congruent conceptualization, since it states that the notion of social exclusion is found in the interaction between elements related to participation in the market (materialized in employment), the social sphere, and the spaces for citizen participation. This theoretical proposal has its origins in the approach of Castel (3) with similar epistemological and conceptual characteristics. What these conceptualisations propose is to focus on the interaction of elements in order to have a holistic vision of the condition of social exclusion, widely studied in sociology, social psychology, and social sciences as a whole (4).
With regard to the sphere of work, precarious work has been one of the most commonly studied areas of concern (5). In its theoretical conceptualisations it is presented as a set of non-standardized work circumstances (6, 7). That is, the conceptual complexity of precarious work invites us to analyse the phenomenon in terms of social constructionism (8, 9). It is necessary to determine, first, what are the culturally desirable working conditions, and, second, the construction of the idea of precarious work contextualized in these and defined on the basis of those situations that restrict the so-called standard situation.
Against this background, there have been attempts to characterize precarious work as “employment characterized by insecurity, low pay and limited social benefits” (10) or a process that includes instability, low protection, uncertainty, and economic or social vulnerability for Rodgers (7). In a broader perspective for the International Labour Organization, precarious work implies: “a means for employers to shift risks and responsibilities on to workers” (11). Finally, we find other more comprehensive approaches such as Benach et al.’s “multidimensional construct that includes dimensions such as job insecurity, individualized relations between workers and employers, low income, economic deprivation, limited rights over the organization of the workspace, as well as limited social protection” (12). Finally, AgullĂł-Tomás (13) points out the constant ambiguity in which the concept has evolved: “It will continue to be a concept tinged with ambiguity due to the fact that not all unstable jobs are precarious. But we can say that all precarious jobs are unstable” (13). All conceptualisations are constructed within the context of Western employment, which, while vastly heterogeneous, shares common basic elements in what we refer to as standardized. Some of these elements could be stability, the fact of maintaining a formal contractual relationship, a minimum income, or the possibility of working full-time if the employee wishes. The second important advance in the study of precarious work involves introducing a psychological perspective into the analysis. Not only understanding precariousness on the basis of objective characteristics derived from the job, but also the subjective perspective of this job (5, 10). This subjective experience has materialized in an equally broad conceptual corpus. Constructs such as quality of
2 Model design
2.1 Conceptual model of precarious life as a broad proposal for understanding precariousness
Although precarious working conditions have been extensively linked to aspects of physical, social, and psychological wellbeing (18), they have also been understood as a fundamental element in relation to the analysis of social exclusion (19–21). For example, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in their search for more dignified living conditions, introduce decent work as the eighth goal (https://sdgs.un.org/). For its part, the European Union, in its current reference policy document for combating social exclusion (The European Pillar of Social Rights) (22), includes several principles related to the quality of employment.
However, the conceptual corpus of precarious work has followed a trend toward atomisation and specificity, and there are currently conceptual difficulties in understanding the interactive logic that precarious work has with other spheres of a person’s life. In this sense, the group of women thinkers Precarias a la Deriva (23) proposes a model that understands precariousness without generating a duality between precarious work and other spheres of life: “we know that precariousness is not limited to the world of work. We prefer to define it as a juncture of material and symbolic conditions which determine an uncertainty with respect to the sustained access to the resources essential to the full development of one’s life. This definition permits us to overcome the dichotomies of public/private and production/reproduction and to recognize the interconnections between the social and the economic”. That is, an understanding of precariousness that transcends labor, assuming other spheres of a person’s life as inte
These three elements: labor precariousness, perceived social support, and hopelessness in the family economic situation, are what are theoretically formulated as perceived precarious life. They provide a comprehensive theoretical framework for the concept of subjective precarious life, generating an interactive view of precariousness that is broader and more holistic, and also complementary, to that proposed by the existing analysis of precarious work. This prism assimilates the fact that precarious work is perceived and experienced in a holistic way. Likewise, the concept of perceived precarious life, if mathematically tested, allows for a psychosocial contribution to the interactive and interconnected model of social exclusion presented by Subirats (2) and Castel (3).
In addition, this model is based on the conception that work is a central element in industrial societies, impacting not only individuals’ work spheres but also other aspects of their lives. Similarly, as a shared societal value that shapes the political and economic course of countries (27), it directly affects employed individuals as well as those who are unemployed or not actively working. Therefore, in industrial societies, the absence of decent work leads to situations of social exclusion and precarious lives. This idea is supported by works such as Standing (28), AgullĂł-Tomás (29), Lu et al. (30), Redmond et al. (31), and Halleröd et al. (32), among others.
2.2 Variables in the perceived precarious life model
2.2.1 Precarious work in the model
With regard to precarious work, the subjective perspective of the concept is included. Starting from the conceptual elements of Rodgers (7) we will highlight three that make them concrete and will be included in the model of perceived precarious life: work control, work satisfaction and subjective job insecurity. With the work control variable, we can approach the ideas of social vulnerability from Rodgers model (7). Social vulnerability in the Rodgers model is closely linked to job fulfillment and the ability to have autonomy. Through the work satisfaction variable, we have a framework to consider the economic vulnerability of precarious employment, as well as aspects related to future prospects in work. Finally, job insecurity accounts for the dimension of uncertainty proposed by Rodgers (7) in his model. These are constructs of the subjective understanding of labor precariousness, relevant in a labor framework characterized by progressive deregulation (33). The current model of flexible employment implies
The understanding of the current work control concept is articulated in Kasl’s demand-control (job strain) model (35). What this model posits is that job control is understood in relation to the demands of the same (36). Thus, control over the job is summarized as the capacity for autonomy to plan a response to the demands of the job itself. It includes a competency perspective (perceived self-efficacy) contextualized in a particular work environment. When a worker exhibits low ability for control, it is understood as a deterioration of job quality, and results in a major stressor in the employment relationship. Thus, low work control has been related to variables directly related to work, such as low motivation or intention to leave the job, and also to variables external to the job, such as a decline in mental (37, 38) or physical (35) health. Specifically, in mental health, it has been observed in longitudinal approaches that a sustained increase in job control has a favorable impact on mental health (39)
Work satisfaction is related to perceived wellbeing in work contexts (41). It is a subjective experience or appraisal of the objective conditions of employment, which therefore has a psychosocial character. The assessment of job satisfaction does not depend exclusively on the employment conditions, but also on relational elements in the work context. In this construct, phenomena related to both external and internal conditions of the workplace are observed. The external factors are associated with objective aspects of the job, such as salary, and the satisfaction it generates for the worker. The internal factors are related to intrinsic aspects, such as the perception of opportunities for career development (42, 43). These two dimensions characterize work satisfaction as a complex set of variables that are explained based on the worker’s experience in a specific work context (44). In the case of this research, we start from the approach formulated in the methodology of the European Working Conditions Survey
In addition, the analysis by Cao et al. (48) which shows that work satisfaction is related not only to mental health, but also to social capital, is important. Social capital is related to Bourdieu’s theory of habitus (49) and is, in psychology, a variable that analyses the social value that a person perceives about him/herself. It is a determining element to explore the situation of social inclusion.
Subjective job insecurity has been understood as a subjective approach to labor precariousness (50). Its interest grew in the context of the 2008 economic crisis, noting that in unstable employment settings its prevalence increases. Job insecurity specifically has been associated with a deterioration of general mental health, which has been observed in meta-analytic studies (5, 51, 52). It has also been found to be linked to suicidal ideation (53), as well as physical ailments. The latter, in particular, with disorders of a cardiovascular nature (54). This phenomenon also has a gender-differential approach: although the prevalence in men and women does not show significant differences, the determinants of job insecurity do differ. In the case of men, job insecurity is more closely related to the possibility of developing a successful career. In women, it was found to be more closely linked to the deterioration of material conditions implied by the possibility of job loss, as well as to the ability to reconci
2.2.2 Perceived social support and precariousness
The second construct linked to the conceptualization proposed for perceived precarious life is perceived social support. A distinction is made between objective and subjective social support (56), the objective being the quality and quantity of support that the person has in their network, and the subjective being the perception of support in their environment. In conceptual congruence with the model of perceived precarious life, we will specifically analyse perceived social support. The conceptualization of perceived social support is summarized in the function that support fulfills. Thus, support exhibits instrumental functions, which authors such as Vaux (57) or Sherbourne and Stewart (58) understood as concrete and practical help, both financial and the provision of advice. On the other hand, perceived social support also fulfills what we call expressive functions. These are assimilated into affective and emotional functions (59). This construct has been related both to the situation of precariousness an
However, social support and the work context establish a two-way network. On the one hand, employment can be a source of social support when it is a quality job (24). On the other, contexts of precarious work, such as in-work poverty, lead to a deterioration of the person’s social support in general terms (63). Likewise, perceived social support experienced in contexts external to work has been shown to be a moderating factor for the negative consequences of precarious work (64). The quality and quantity of social contacts has also been found to be a determinant of career success (25). This conceptualization shows that support is a core element in understanding precarious work. And this interactive relationship implies that poor quality work implies a deterioration of social support; however, when perceived social support is developed in contexts external to work, other work-related factors have less negative impact.
2.2.3 Hopelessness in the family economic situation and precariousness
The construct of hopelessness has been studied in Social Psychology in a traditional way, but its interest has grown considerably after COVID-19 (65–67). The study by Broos et al. (26) analyses the relationship between job stress and mental health symptomatology (depression and anxiety) at different points in time of the COVID-19 crisis, noting hopelessness as a moderating factor in this relationship. Furthermore, they conclude that not only work stress, but also the prospect of economic problems in the family were elements to be taken into consideration. The perspective we propose for the analysis of hopelessness in the perceived precarious life model assumes an uncertainty about the future, measured in terms of the family economy. For this reason, in the model, we have specified hopelessness specifically in the family economic situation. This refers to a low expectation of future income, as well as a limited positive evolution of the family economy. It is considered a different variable but related to the employment situation based on Subirats (2) model of social exclusion mentioned earlier. His model can be observed in more detail in Figure 1. The ma